The Battle Rainbow: Jackson and his Chaplains
by Chaplain Russ Campbell

Introduction

The Seven Days' Battles ended early in July, 1862 with Union Major General McClellan's 106,000 man army withdrawing from the outskirts of Richmond. General Lee's much smaller Confederate force had confused and confounded General McClellan. Even though Lee's army suffered more casualties, it could claim victory. After this series of battles, soldier R. E. Eppes wrote to his wife, "I have not Received so much as a sratch. Surely God is with mee hee has kept me in the hollow of his hand Surely he has heard theese heart pleadings of those near and dear ones at home for the Fervent Effectual Prairs of the Writious availeth much." (1)

About the same time, Virginian John R. Thompson put into verse a rainbow he had observed the evening before the Seven Days' Battles began. This rainbow overspread the eastern sky and delineated exactly the Confederate army's position as seen from Richmond. Thompson was convinced this rainbow was a sign from God, and his poem, "The Battle Rainbow," includes these verses:

We had triumphed—the foe fled back to his ships— His standards in rags and his legions a wreck— But alas! The stark faces and colorless lips Of our loved ones, gave triumph's rejoicing a check Not yet, oh, not yet, as a sign of release, Had the Lord set in mercy His bow in the cloud; Not yet had the Comforter whispered of peace To the hearts that around us lay bleeding and bowed. But the promise was given—the beautiful arc, With its brilliant profusion of colors, that spanned The sky on that exquisite eve, was the mark Of the Infinite Love overarching the land. And that Love, shining richly and full as the day, Through the tear drops that moisten each martyr's proud pall, On the gloom of the past the bright bow shall display Of Freedom, Peace, Victory, bent over all.(2)

Fervent prayers, conversion, repentance, pleasing God—these and more comprised the religious toolbox carried into the American Civil War. The unabashed religious posture of General Lee's right-hand man, Lieutenant General Thomas J. "Stonewall" Jackson, and the exuberance of the clergymen with whom Jackson surrounded himself place flesh and feeling onto an otherwise barren and mute theological framework. The sections that follow attempt to recount this story.

Religious Prelude to War: Major Thomas J. Jackson

It was the start of the New Year 1849, and Major T. J. Jackson was stationed at Fort Hamilton, New York. With the Mexican War just a fresh memory, his time at Fort Hamilton was militarily uneventful. His duties at the fort did not capture his interest or stretch his intellect. "I suppose that you begin to think it time, that I should write, but I am not certain that my physician agrees with you about that as he has been cautioning me about confining my mind too much" began Jackson's letter of January 1, 1849, to his sister Laura Jackson Arnold.(3)

What did capture his interest and open his mind during this time was religion. Colonel Francis Taylor, an Episcopalian and Jackson's religious mentor during the Mexican War, lived close by and continued to be a wellspring of Christian advice and thought. Ever thankful for Taylor's gift of piety, Jackson threw himself into the study of religion--at first the doctrines espoused by Roman Catholicism and by his new spiritual guide, the Rev. Mr. Parks, an Episcopalian who was the garrison's chaplain.

Rev. Parks and Major Jackson had much in common. Rev. Parks was also an alumnus of West Point, but his religious zeal led him away from soldiering to become a minister in the Methodist Episcopal Church. His search for religious truth, however, eventually led him to the Episcopal Church, and he became an Episcopal clergyman. Park's enthusiastic nature appealed to Jackson, and with the chaplain's guidance, Jackson felt it was his duty as a Christian to be baptized.

Through his religious inquiries Jackson had concluded that pieces of Roman Catholicism, especially the Pope's position and authority, were anti-scriptural. Jackson also found tenets of the Episcopal Church he was unwilling to accept as scriptural, and he did not have the luxury at Fort Hamilton of making conscientious investigations into the claims of other Christian denominations. With the understanding that he was not bound to the Episcopal Church, but only to the universal Christian church until his religious exploration might provide an answer, Rev. Parks baptized him and admitted him to his first communion.

The life of garrison duty changed dramatically for Major Jackson when he was elected Professor of Natural and Experimental Philosophy and Artillery Tactics at the twelve year-old Military Academy of Virginia March 27, 1851. He settled into the Lexington, Virginia community.

The Lexington community boasted Presbyterian, Episcopal, Wesleyan Methodist, and Baptist churches, and Jackson worshiped at each one. After a time, though, Jackson felt drawn to the Lexington Presbyterian Church. The church's pastor, the Rev. Dr. William S. White, had spiritually touched Jackson, and Jackson sought an introduction to Rev. White, which was soon arranged. Jackson told the pastor of his search and that the Presbyterian-style worship appealed to him greatly. Rev. White shared his knowledge of the creeds and confessions of faith that denoted Presbyterianism. Jackson studied them, and the result was his joining the Lexington Presbyterian Church November 22, 1851.

Jackson was not in complete doctrinal agreement with his selected denomination, though. The tenet that God is sovereign over the calling of those to church leadership and government went against his belief, but Rev. White was not prone to argue absolutes. When Jackson brought his concerns to his pastor, Rev. White said, ""Well, Major, although your doctrinal theory is not in perfect accord with ours, yet in your practical life you are so good a Presbyterian, that I think you may safely remain where you are."(4)  Jackson embraced this statement—he was not going to be changed forcibly—and that brought him to deeper searching. Eventually, all his misgivings about Presbyterianism were settled, and he became an ardent Calvinist.(5)

Why Jackson preferred the Presbyterian denomination over all others is speculation, for no where does he reveal his reasons. His ten year tenure at Lexington does show a marked increase in his faith. Religion entered into every facet of his life. "I had long cultivated," he said, "the habit of connecting the most trivial and customary acts of life with a silent prayer."(6)  He interpreted the Bible literally. For example, Jackson's observance of the Sabbath was fastidious. He neither read a letter nor posted a letter on the Sabbath day, and he believed that the government was violating God's law in carrying the mail (i.e. working) on that day. It was one of the most important duties of the legislature, he maintained, to stop such work.(7)  Jackson's Sabbath day prohibitions were carried with him into the American Civil War.


"Stonewall" Jackson and Southern Chaplains

During the campaigns of 1862, Jackson's military star was rising. Even Union prisoners who saw him would cheer,(8) while Northern cities would cringe at the mention of his name. The spiritual side of Jackson was catching on in that Jackson actively sought chaplains from all denominations for his II Corps.

More significantly, Jackson bridged a gap in Southern religious thought. This gap occurred in two ways. First, many Southerners, if not antagonistic, were lukewarm to religion—and this was after the Great Awakening and the Second Great Awakening revivals.(9)  It has been estimated that one-third of Gen. Lee's army were "praying men." This parallels the percentage of those converted or churched found in Southern communities.(10)  Alternatively, then, if two-thirds of the soldiers in army camps were unconverted, chaplains ran the risks of being ignored or just tolerated.(11)  Jackson, by his piety, which was intimately coupled with success in battles, lifted up the Southern chaplaincy and Christianity.

Secondly, pastors were seen as somewhat effeminate. A Methodist bishop exhorted pastors to take the place of a wife's, mother's, or sister's "soft hand on a soldier's fevered brow". Like these women, he should direct the dying man to the cross of Christ. "How sweet will be the words of kindness from your lips . . . as you kneel beside him and talk sweetly to him of Jesus."(12) Bringing masculinity to the chaplaincy could occur when the chaplains either fought in battle along with the soldiers or underwent all the hardships the soldiers faced. "Among the many evils of war, we should not forget such a benefit as that it corrects the growing tendency to effeminacy," Chaplain George Taylor wrote. "How desirable, if many of our young preachers in this school shall learn to ‘endure hardness.' Then they can preach as the pioneers did, and not be concerned [about] what they shall eat, or where they shall sleep." (13)  Bearing arms, though, seemed to be the only measure to relieve chaplains of humiliation from officers and soldiers. Major General Jubal Early reportedly once challenged a man he found retreating as battle approached. "I am nothing but a poor preacher, Sir, and am going towards the rear," he replied. "Why, Sir," the general taunted, "I thought you had been praying to get to heaven . . . and now you can go there in fifteen minutes and will not embrace the opportunity?" (14)  Jackson reprimanded chaplains who took up arms and maintained that their place was in the rearguard. Their assigned role in battle was to pray for Southern success.(15)

Jackson rescued the Southern chaplaincy by granting chaplains status. In the Confederate army, chaplains held no rank and so, by default, were not part of any hierarchal structure. The General maintained that "…my men should not only be good soldiers for their country, but also good soldiers of the Cross." (16)  He legitimized the chaplain's role in the army as the spiritual drill instructor. He instituted the II Corps "Chaplain-At-Large" (17) designation, so that the chaplain was not attached to a particular regiment and could interact with the whole Corps. With that type of assignment, a regimental chaplain was part of Jackson's spiritual "foot cavalry"—necessary because the demand for army chaplains was higher than the supply.

The syncretism of Southern religion and politics might have been one of Jackson's greatest achievements, although Jackson did not seem to plan it. Patriotism was never a chaplain's nee pastor's primary duty. Their allegiance remained with God and not with the Confederacy, even though they prayed fervently for the leaders and the government. Early on, their sermons were not political discourses.(18)

Jackson was thoroughly convinced of God's blessings on his command, and he was eccentric enough to demonstrate it. "The truth is, Sir, that ‘old Jack' is crazy," was the report that came to the Central Presbyterian editor, Rev. Dr. William Brown. The eyewitness report continued: "Why, I frequently meet him out in the woods walking back and forth muttering to himself incoherent sentences and gesticulating wildly, and at such times seems utterly oblivious of my presence and of everything else." Later, in conversation with the General and without asking, Dr. Brown received an explanation directly from Jackson. "I find that it greatly helps me in fixing my mind and quickening my devotions to give articulate utterance to my prayers, and hence, I am in the habit of going off into the woods and speak audibly to myself the prayers I would pour out to my God. I was at first annoyed that I was compelled to keep my eyes open to avoid running into trees and stumps; but upon investigating the matter I do not find that the Scriptures require us to close our eyes in prayer, and the exercise has proven to me very delightful and profitable."(19)  The boundary line between religion and state began to blur--largely due to "Stonewall" Jackson.

"Stonewall" Jackson and his Chief of Staff

Sunday, May 25, 1862 dawned cool and foggy in the farmlands surrounding Winchester, Virginia. "Stonewall" Jackson's Army of the Valley pushed on toward Winchester in the mist. Expecting to find the enemy's artillery and infantry positioned on a high ridge a few hundred yards south of town, Jackson sent forward Brigadier General Charles S. Winder, commander of the Stonewall Brigade, to remove the Union guns. But Winder met only mild resistance from skirmishers, allowing Jackson to take the position--his primary goal. Major Robert L. Dabney credited this surprising outcome to "the will of God." The Army of the Valley went on to liberate Winchester from Union General Nathaniel Banks, with Jackson shouting to his men as they pursued Banks' retreating soldiers, "Push on to the Potomac!"(20)

"The will of God." So said Jackson's Chief of Staff, Major Robert Lewis Dabney, who in his civilian occupation was the Rev. Dr. Robert Lewis Dabney, a Presbyterian scholar and a professor at Virginia's Union Theological Seminary. Rev. Dabney served as a chaplain during the school summer vacation in 1861. Jackson wrote to him in March and again in April, 1862, requesting that he join his staff as Chief of Staff with the rank of Major. Dabney acquiesced and joined Jackson's staff, even though the Tennessee Baptist was incensed that a clergyperson voluntarily would assume a military role.(21)  Major Dabney was with General Jackson until, in the aftermath of Cedar Mountain seven months later, he resigned due to poor health.

Rev. Dabney was not a complete unknown to the General. Jackson's pastor in Lexington, the Rev. Dr. William S. White, and Rev. Dabney were good friends who had met twenty years earlier while Dabney was a graduate student at the University of Virginia. Jackson's wife and Dabney's wife were related as well.

In one instance, Major Dabney proved to be, militarily, a valuable addition to Jackson's staff. At Port Republic and at Gaines Mill, his quick thinking and courageous actions helped his General whip the Union troops. He did not trumpet his actions, and it was not until some thirty years later that his heroics were finally made known. As did Jackson, Dabney gave all credit for his actions to God.

After he resigned from Jackson's staff, Dabney took on the North with his prolific pen. Perhaps he could entice Great Britain or France to join with the Confederacy. "The deliberative motive [of the North]," he wrote, "was to reduce the South to a state of colonial dependency upon themselves, and exclude all other nations from the rich plunder which they were accustomed to draw from the oppressed section…The South was their precious gold mine, from which they had quarried, and hoped yet again to quarry, hoards of wealth… From this precious mine, they wished to keep other adventurers away by the customary expedient of spreading an odious character for moral malaria and pestilential vices around it. It did not suit their selfish purposes, that Europe should know, that in this slaveholding South was the true conservative power of the American Government, the most solid type of old English character, the greatest social stability and purity, and above all, the very fountain of international commerce and wealth…"(22)  His writings did clear the Northern blockades and made their way to Europe, but it wasn't until after the War that his writings had impact. His writings, though extremely partisan and narrowly focused, do give us a glimpse into the religious life of his Presbyterian commander, General Jackson.

Interestingly enough, as late as January 1861 Rev. Dabney was preaching against secession. Dabney maintained that "reckless and incapable politicians" created the move toward secession because they prioritized their political stances and failed to heed God's law. Even Lincoln's election wasn't a sufficient cause for secession.(23)

As a trained scholar, Dabney maintained that thinking and clear reasoning were necessary to measure all revelations to people, and these tools alone could judge which of the revelations were from God.(24)  Dabney would have agreed that Jackson possessed these qualities, which were evidenced by his strategic insight. Jackson knew what to do and when to do it, and that won battles. However, there was a unique quality that became synonymous with Jackson's generalship—Jackson was totally convinced that God had destined him to destroy his enemies in battle. Jackson's enemies were God's enemies, and Jackson's spartan existence and unashamed religiosity were designed to keep God closely allied with him. Jackson was also ambitious and self-confident. Coupling ambition and self-confidence with unswerving faith gave Jackson zero tolerance with officers or soldiers who wouldn't perform.

Dabney, too, maintained that spartan simplicity and the elimination of wealth as a social barometer were the leading edges of the Kingdom of God. All material possessions were subservient to the "evangelical mission", which Dabney would argue was God's will. The church was caught up in this materialism and would become no moral force in society, notwithstanding his Presbyterian denomination being the wealthiest.(25)  Faith has a transcendent purpose, and believers were called to be steadfast and focused. For Dabney, the focus was Southern independence through battling those enemies who would deny it. This, no doubt, was what Dabney also saw in Jackson.

But, it was a depth of convictions and the courage to stand for them that Dabney ingested from Jackson. Dabney's theologian-politician-social activist strands banded together and hardened in Jackson's presence. In Southern Presbyterian circles, Dabney was so identified with Jackson that, seventy-five years after the war, Rev. Dr. Henry McKee Woods said of Dabney: "Stand like a stonewall for God's Word, the whole Bible! He never changes! His truth never changes! Teach God's love, yes, but also preach the wrath of God against sin, the awful doom of those who reject Christ's offer of mercy!"(26)

During his tenure as Chief of Staff with the General, Rev. Dabney's primary duty was to bolster and reflect his chief's religious inclinations more than to maintain an efficiently functioning headquarters staff.(27)  Given Jackson's predilection for hands-on management of II Corps--as God's chosen to vanquish the enemy--Dabney fulfilled the role sufficiently.

"Stonewall" Jackson and his Chaplain-At-Large

In a letter addressed to the Southern Presbyterian General Assembly, Jackson wrote: "Each Christian branch of the church should send into the army some of its most prominent ministers, who are distinguished for their piety, talents, and zeal; and such ministers should labor to produce concert of action among chaplains and Christians in the army. These ministers should give special attention to preaching to regiments which are without chaplains, and induce them to take steps to get chaplains, to let the regiments name the denomination from which they desire chaplains selected; and then to see that suitable chaplains are secured. A bad selection of a chaplain may prove a curse instead of a blessing. If the few prominent ministers thus connected with each army would cordially co-operate, I believe that glorious fruits would be the result. Denominational distinctions should be kept out of view, and not touched upon; and as a general rule, I do not think that a chaplain who would preach denominational sermons, should be in the army. His congregation is his regiment, and it is composed of persons of various denominations. I would like to see no question asked in the army, as to what denomination a chaplain belongs; but let the question be, does he preach the Gospel? The neglect of spiritual interests in the army may be partially seen in the fact that not half of my regiments have chaplains."(28)

Jackson modestly pled unqualified in commanding matters ecclesiastical, so this ground would have to be examined by a clergyman. Former Chief of Staff Robert Dabney recounted the three objectives of Jackson's spiritual campaign: "to supply regiments destitute of chaplains with a partial substitute in the shape of the itinerant labors of efficient ministers; to supply a channel of intercourse between the army and the bodies of clergy of different denominations, through which the latter might learn the wants of the former, and to give to the labors of the chaplains and other ministers in the army, the unity and impulse of an ecclesiastical organization within their own peculiar field."(29)

"We have a chaplain that came to us today, the Rev. Mr. Lacy of Fredericksburg," wrote Major Jedediah Hotchkiss, Jackson's topographical engineer, to his wife, "he is to stay some time, so we may have preaching again, the bad weather having prohibited it, out of doors. Mr. Lacy says the Yankees used the Church in Falmouth for a hospital a while last year then cleaned it out and made a theatre of it."(30)  The Rev. Beverly Tucker Lacy, a Presbyterian, was invited by the General to his headquarters to be "chaplain-at-large" (31) in the II Corps. Rev. Lacy began his duties Sunday, March 1, 1863. One of his first duties was to found a Chaplains' Association of the Second [and eventually the Third] Army Corps.(32)

Rev. Lacy was remembered as a "genial gentleman, an indefatigable worker, and a powerful and effective preacher."(33)  For the objectives the General had laid out for him, Lacy would need to be all three, for he was to be the paradigm—the model and example for other chaplains to emulate.

Many historians first mention Rev. Lacy during the aftermath of the battle of Chancellorsville, for it was he who was present with General Jackson after Jackson's tragic wounding and subsequent fatal bout of pneumonia. It was he who took Jackson's amputated arm to his brother's farm in Ellwood for burial. It was he who carried to Jackson General Robert E. Lee's message: "…tell him I wrestled in prayer for him last night, as I never prayed, I believe, for myself."(34)  It was Rev Lacy who baptized Jackson's daughter Julia April 23, 1863.(35)

Interestingly, General Lee, via General Jeb Stuart, used Lacy's knowledge of the roads and byways in and around Chancellorsville (Lacy had served a church in the area} to satisfy himself that the orders given to General Jackson were not beyond the soldiers' endurance. However, Lacy was with Jackson that same night. The General was convinced that the roads Lacy knew best were too close to the Union lines, so he sent Lacy out with Major Jedediah Hotchkiss to reconnoiter a more concealed route. This Lacy and Hotchkiss accomplished, and it was the route Jackson's II Corps took to turn the Union flank.(36)

After Jackson's death Rev. Lacy stayed on with the II Corps as headquarters chaplain under Lieutenant General Richard Ewell. The swirl of questions that asked God's reasons for taking Jackson rippled through the Corps, and at least one sermon of two Rev. Lacy preached June 28 at the Carlisle Barracks concerned his fallen chief. Other non-military Presbyterian clergy were quick to point out Jackson's death was the South's chastisement for its many sins. The hope remained, said Rev. Ramsey, Jackson's friend and pastor of the First Presbyterian Church in Lynchburg, that God could raise up another like Jackson.(37)  Rev. Lacy believed that God intended to emphasize Jackson's Christian and military virtues by taking him at the height of his career. He agreed with his peers that God desired to teach the South to trust in no man but in God alone. God was disciplining Southerners for their sins (including the sin of idolizing Jackson); however, the South would in time regain divine favor.(38)

Dick Ewell was given command of the II Corps June 1, 1863. Three weeks later Col. Sandie Pendleton was named Chief of Staff after Chief of Staff Lt. Col. Charles Faulkner resigned from the army. Rev. Lacy continued as Chaplain-At-Large.(39)

Ewell was natured quite differently from Jackson. He possessed a mercurial temper that led him to be optimistic one moment and pessimistic the next. He also lacked the decision-making skills of his former commander.(40)  Ewell did not accord the same influence to Lacy as did Jackson. Five days after Ewell's promotion, William Pendleton (himself a minister) and Presbyterian Bishop John Johns discussed with the General ways to proclaim the gospel to the soldiers; Rev. Lacy was noticeably absent.(41)  But, Rev. Lacy outlasted Dick Ewell and ended his Chaplain-At-Large career in 1864 under II Corps commander Major General John Gordon.

Epilogue

The religious revivals in the Southern camps during the summer and autumn 1863, after the losses at Gettysburg and Vicksburg, were, according to Rev. J. William Jones, stunning successes. Conversions, confessions, baptisms, and a real searching for God spread across the Army of Northern Virginia. Rev. Beverly Tucker Lacy's preaching (called "flowery" by Dick Ewell's wife's family) amply fed the flames of revival.

Outside the army, Robert Dabney's sermons and broadsides lifted up the belief that, like the biblical Israelites who had been beaten, God had not abandoned them. Seek and obey God, trust in God only, and God will bless our endeavors.

In retrospect, this is a request for God's overarching love, care, and compassion. It is the image of a bow—a rainbow—"Of Freedom, Peace, Victory, bent over all." (42)

May this image be our legacy, too.

ENDNOTES

1. Quoted in Reid Mitchell, Civil War Soldiers , (New York: Penguin Books, 1988), p. 78.
2. John R Thompson, “The Battle Rainbow” in H. M. Wharton, War Songs and Poems of the Southern Confederacy . (Edison, NJ: Castle Books, 2000), pp. 115-117. This parallels the covenant God made with Noah: “I have set my bow in the clouds, and it shall be a sign of the covenant between me [God] and the earth” (Genesis 9:13ff).
3. Letter T. J. Jackson to Laura Jackson Arnold, January 1, 1849, in Virginia Military Institute Archives .
4. Robert L. Dabney, Life and Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. Thomas J. Jackson , (New York: Blelock Co., 1866), p. 85.
5. Calvin wrote: “From eternity God has freely, and of his mere grace, without any respect to men, predestinated or elected the saints whom he wills to save in Christ, according to the saying of the apostle, ‘God chose us in him before the foundation of the world.’” This tenet of predestination was a large part of Jackson’s theology as a Confederate general; however, predestination was not a part of the doctrines of the Methodist Episcopal or the Baptist denominations, with which most chaplains were affiliated
6. George F.R. Henderson, Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War . Vol. 1 (New York: Longman, 1905), p. 61.
7. Ibid, pp. 61-62.
8. J. W. Wood, Civil War Generalship: The Art of Command , (Westport, CT: Prager Pub, 1997), p. 37.
9. Beth Barton Schweiger, The Gospel Working Up: Progress and the Pulpit in Nineteenth Century Virginia , (New York: Oxford, 2000), p. 99.
10. J. William Jones, Christ in the Camp , (Harrisonville,VA: Sprinkle Publications, 1986), pp. 390-391.
11. Schweiger, op. cit., pp. 99-100. The author further states: “If the image of a pious, Bible-toting Confederate South is the one that has survived, it is a testimony to the influence of the clergy’s interpretations of camp life and war that circulated widely after the war.” See Jones, Christ in the Camp cited above.
12. Ibid , p.100.
13. Quoted in Jones, op. cit. , p.228.
14. Schweiger, op. cit. , p. 100
15. Gardiner H. Shattuck, Jr., A Shield and Hiding Place , (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987), pp. 70-71.
16. Quoted in Jones, op. cit. , p.83.
17. See n. 31 below.
18. Schweiger, op. cit. , p. 94.
19. Quoted in Jones, op. cit., p.89.
20. T. Michael Parrish, Robert Taylor, Soldier Prince of Dixie , (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), pp. 181, 188.
21. Shattuck, op. cit. , p. 70.
22. Robert L. Dabney, A Defence of Virginia , (New York: E.J. Hale & Son, 1867), p.12.
23. David B. Chesebrough, Clergy Dissent in the Old South, 1830-1865 , (Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996), p. 23.
24. E. Brooks Holifield, The Gentlemen Theologians: American Theology in Southern Culture, 1795-1860 , (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1978), p. 88.
25. Mark Y. Hanley, Beyond a Christian Commonwealth: The Protestant Quarrel with the American Republic, 1830-1860 , (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), p. 101
26. Henry M. Woods, Robert Lewis Dabney: Prince Among Theologians and Men . A Memorial Address delivered before West Hanover Presbytery At its Fall Meeting, 1936, p. 6.
27. Robert Krick, Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain , (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), p. 360.
28. Quoted in Jones, op. cit., p. 94 and Dabney, Life and Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. Thomas J. Jackson , pp. 647-648.
29. Dabney, Life and Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. Thomas J. Jackson , p. 648.
30. Letter of Jedediah Hotchkiss to his wife dated March 1, 1863, found in the University of Virginia’s Electronic Text Center (http://etext.lib.virginia.edu).
31. Since the rank of “Corps Chaplain” did not exist and since the Confederate government did commission Rev. Lacy as an army chaplain without a regimental assignment, the title “Chaplain-At-Large” seems the best fit. This is the title used in Jones, op. cit. p. 530.
32. Jones, op. cit. , p. 325.
33. Ibid , p. 96.
34. Douglas Southall Freeman, Robert E. Lee [vol. II], (New York: Scribners, 1936), p. 562.
35. Calvert County Biographies, found at http://www.joeydragon.com/Calvert%20County/Biotext1.htm
36. Freeman, op. cit. , pp. 521-523.
37. Daniel W. Stowell, “Stonewall Jackson and the Providence of God “ in Religion and the American Civil War . eds, Harry S. Stout, Charles Reagan Wilson , (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 193-195.
38. Ibid , p. 197.
39. Donald Pfanz, Richard S. Ewell: A Soldier’s Life , (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), p. 277.
40. Ibid. , p. 279.
41. Ibid. , pp. 279-280.
42. See n. 2.

WORKS CITED

Books and Articles :

Chesebrough, David B. Clergy Dissent in the Old South, 1830-1865 . Carbondale, IL: Southern Illinois University Press, 1996.

Dabney, Robert L. A Defence of Virginia . New York: E.J. Hale & Son, 1867.

Dabney, Robert L. Life and Campaigns of Lieut.-Gen. Thomas J. Jackson . New York: Blelock Co., 1866.

Freeman, Douglas Southall. Robert E. Lee [vol. II]. New York: Scribners, 1936.

Hanley, Mark Y. Beyond a Christian Commonwealth: The Protestant Quarrel with the American Republic, 1830-1860 . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1994.

Henderson, George F. R. Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War . Vol. 1. New York: Longman, 1905.

Holifield, E. Brooks. The Gentlemen Theologians: American Theology in Southern Culture, 1795-1860 . Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1978.

Jones, J. William. Christ in the Camp . Harrisonville,VA: Sprinkle Publications, 1986.

Krick, Robert. Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1990.

Mitchell, Reid. Civil War Soldiers . New York: Penguin Books, 1988.

Parrish, T. Michael. Robert Taylor, Soldier Prince of Dixie . Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992.

Pfanz, Donald. Richard S. Ewell: A Soldier’s Life . Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998.

Schweiger, Beth Barton. The Gospel Working Up: Progress and the Pulpit in Nineteenth Century Virginia . New York: Oxford, 2000.

Shattuck, Jr., Gardiner H. A Shield and Hiding Place . Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 1987.

Stowell, Daniel W. “Stonewall Jackson and the Providence of God” in Religion and the American Civil War . eds, Harry S. Stout, Charles Reagan Wilson. New York: Oxford, 1998.

Thompson, John R. “The Battle Rainbow” in H. M. Wharton, War Songs and Poems of the Southern Confederacy . Edison, NJ: Castle Books, 2000

Wood, J. W. Civil War Generalship: The Art of Command . Westport, CT: Prager Pub, 1997.

Woods, Henry M. Robert Lewis Dabney: Prince Among Theologians and Men . A Memorial Address delivered before West Hanover Presbytery at its Fall Meeting, 1936.


From the Internet :

University of Virginia’s Electronic Text Center (http://etext.lib.virginia.edu).

Calvert County Biographies, (http://www.joeydragon.com/Calvert%20County/Biotext1.htm)